Marina Ottaway analyzes the presidential election in Egypt and its likely outcome. | عربي
Resource | Guide to Egypt's Transition
Marina Ottaway analyzes the tensions between Sudan and South Sudan and the challenges that both sides face.
Duncan Pickard writes that Tunisia's Constituent Assembly must respond to the country's growing impatience about the slow progress on legislative issues.
Yezid Sayigh says that the opposition must navigate rifts in Syria if they hope to tip the balance against a determined and resilient regime.
Nadwa Al-Dawsari writes that tribal governance and conflict resolution traditions will play a part in helping to ease tensions during Yemen's political transition.
Karim Sadjadpour says that the Iranian regime's approach toward sex is marked by expediency.
Karim Sadjadpour argues that the challenge set by Iran’s nuclear program is a post-American challenge.
Charles Schmitz writes that a capable and legitimate state is even more essential to Yemen’s economic future than the presence of natural resources.
Yezid Sayigh says the Syrian National Council needs to develop a roadmap for the transfer of power instead of simply demanding the departure of Assad.
Karim Sadjadpour explains that Ayatollah Khamanei’s concern that U.S. policy is regime change, not behavior change, is becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy.
High-level representatives of Islamist parties from Egypt, Tunisia, Morocco, Jordan, and Libya participated in a conference convened by the Carnegie Endowment.
Nathan Brown writes that the rapid developments over the past month have shown that legal and constitutional loopholes have the potential to seriously undermine Egypt’s democratic transition.
Anouar Boukhars writes that Morocco’s friends in the West, especially the United States and France, must pressure Rabat to expedite a significant devolution of power to the Western Sahara to limit the threat of instability.
Alex Thurston writes that Islamists in Mauritania, an important political force, are not currently a threat to the United States as the mainstream of the movement appears committed to democracy and unlikely to take power.
Yezid Sayigh writes that the Assad regime cannot win in Syria, but it certainly can resist and prolong the conflict.
Sayigh | Syrian Stalemate?
Nathan Brown writes that an independent judiciary in Egypt could provide for a more liberal and pluralistic order but also one that is less coherent and democratic.
Nathan Brown writes that at this point, Hamas and Fatah have reached only an agreement to agree. It remains to be seen how much more they can accomplish.
Marina Ottaway and Danial Kaysi write that Iraq's future depends on whether the political factions can find it in `their interest to forge a real compromise.
Bayram Balci writes that while Turkey considers its options and resolutions stall in the United Nations, Ankara is preparing for a post-Assad Syria.
Nathan Brown writes that the decision to abandon its pledge not to run a presidential candidate is a strong indication of the the Brotherhood’s conversion to a fully political logic.
Yezid Sayigh says Egypt needs to negotiate numerous important issues, especially the relationship between the civilian authorities and the armed forces.
Nathan Brown writes that Hamas’s steps toward reconciliation with Fatah are significant, but they do not yet represent any clear commitment to a different path.
Nathan Brown writes that the Arab uprisings may have taken the wind out of the sails of current Saudi Arabian judicial reform efforts.
Marina Ottaway and Marwan Muasher write that Arab monarchs have a chance to embark on a path of reform, but the window to act is closing.
Nathan Brown writes that a number of longer-term trends engendered by the revolution that may gradually make the Egyptian state of the future very different from the one of the past half century.
Marina Ottaway writes that both the Egyptian government and the United States must keep in mind that the future of bilateral relations is much more important than the future of U.S. NGOs in Egypt.
Karim Sadjadpour writes that thirty-three years after the revolution, under a reeling economy, the leaders of Iran are struggling to maintain the viability of the Islamic Republic and are increasingly turning to the military instead of the mosque to do so.
Marina Ottaway writes that one year after the Egyptian military forced President Mubarak from office, Egypt is caught in a vicious circle that risks derailing its move toward democracy, leading to more uncertainty and violence.
Nathan Brown writes that with scant governing experience, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood must face the challenges and pressures of power in a complicated political transition.
Thomas Carothers writes that a stark division underlies U.S. policy in the Middle East, where serious efforts to bolster democratic transitions in parts of the region are carried out alongside firm support for most of the remaining non-democratic governments.
Islamist parties will have a dominant impact on the outcome of Arab transitions, but there is little understanding in Washington of what that will mean for governing.
Provides easily accessible baseline information about the political systems of Arab countries, and is frequently updated to provide information about reforms being introduced.
This Carnegie Fact Sheet clarifies the growing and often confusing world of U.S. governmental and nongovernmental organizations that are funding and implementing democracy assistance programs in this region.
No one is fully knowledgeable about the state of the Syrian economy, how exactly it has been affected by the events taking place in the country, or how to interpret the choice economic indicators issued by Syrian officials.
The U.S. pivot to the Asia-Pacific has created both tension and opportunity in its relations with China.
The gap between the efforts to deepen integration in order to save the euro and what most people really think should happen is wider than it has ever been before.
The Russian political system is likely to undergo some changes this year, perhaps even serious ones — not because Putin wants them, but because elements of Putin's inner circle are convinced that the government must take some of the protesters' demands seriously.
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